Period 2021

Events and records concerning the year 2021.

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Prashant Bhushan’s reel points to a real public-interest issue: Adani and Reliance hold large positions in airports, ports and telecom, making competition and regulatory oversight legitimate concerns. But the reviewed evidence does not prove that this concentration resulted from unlawful political favour, and the 2021 Mundra heroin seizure does not by itself establish culpability by…

Open Post: India’s corporate concentration is measurable; Bhushan’s political-favour claims remain unproven

By July 2026, Jio and Airtel together held about 77% of India’s wireless subscribers, while IndiGo and the Air India Group accounted for about 91% of domestic passengers. The concentration is real and policy choices, spectrum economics, mergers and firm exits helped shape it; the 2025 IndiGo disruption also exposed resilience risks. But Sachin Pilot’s…

Open Post: India’s telecom and aviation markets are highly concentrated; deliberate engineering remains unproven

A September 2026 reel presents Rakesh Singh’s February 2021 Pamela Goswami drugs-case arrest as breaking news and overstates his son’s role: contemporary reports said the sons were held for allegedly obstructing police, not arrested as accused in the cocaine case. Later High Court and Supreme Court proceedings also materially qualify an arrest-only framing, but they…

Open Post: Undated ‘breaking news’ recirculation turns Rakesh Singh’s 2021 arrest into a false 2026 update

Government-school counts fell, petrol later crossed ₹100, the rupee weakened and central liabilities rose during the period highlighted by the reel. But the viral scorecard mixes state-led school consolidation, an imprecise petrol baseline, subsidised versus non-subsidised LPG prices, exchange-rate movement and nominal debt as though they were one comparable measure of one leader’s performance; the…

Open Post: The viral ‘12 years’ scorecard mixes real changes with mismatched baselines and attribution

Saayoni Ghosh did leave the TMC camp and align with the BJP-led NDA, but the evidence identifies her as joining the NCPI bloc rather than formally becoming a BJP member. That distinction later became part of a Lok Sabha/Supreme Court anti-defection dispute, while the reel also overstates a separate 2015 Shivling controversy by treating disputed…

Open Post: Saayoni Ghosh joined NCPI, not BJP; that distinction now matters in a live defection dispute

The CBI sought sanction in 2019 to prosecute Suvendu Adhikari over the Narada sting, and reporting through 2024 said the request remained pending after he joined the BJP. His 2026 elevation as West Bengal Chief Minister gives that unresolved enforcement gap fresh significance amid a wider documented pattern of changed case trajectories after opposition politicians…

Open Post: Adhikari’s Narada prosecution stayed stalled after BJP switch; 2026 CM elevation renews scrutiny

Gujarat’s 2026 CAG audit documents a serious custody-and-disposal gap in seized narcotics, while the 2021 Mundra case documents a separate 2,988 kg heroin seizure from Afghanistan via Iran. AAP rhetoric links the two into a stronger story, but the audit did not say rats ate the entire gap, the Mundra consignment did not come from…

Gujarat’s narcotics record shows a real custody gap and a major port seizure; AAP rhetoric conflates the two
Open Post: Gujarat’s narcotics record shows a real custody gap and a major port seizure; AAP rhetoric conflates the two

Abhinay Sharma’s August 2026 reel is broadly right that India had roughly one lakh fewer government schools than a decade earlier, but the official record describes a net decline of about 94,000 linked to state-led consolidation and rationalisation—not proof that the Union government directly shut one lakh schools. The same evidence shows a wider shift…

Open Post: India had about 94,000 fewer government schools by 2024-25; the documented shift is state-led consolidation, not one lakh Union closures

The Home Ministry told Lok Sabha in 2021 that “anti-national” is not defined in Indian statutes, making the reel’s central label political rather than a standalone legal finding. Umar Khalid’s JNU research on Singhbhum Adivasis is verifiable, and official reports document wider tribal land alienation and displacement, but the reel names no company or project…

Open Post: ‘Anti-national’ has no statutory definition; viral reel turns it into a political test of national interest